April 16, 2021

2013 Young’s inglorious abattoir – where refugee scab labour displaced local Australians

 

‘The People’s Struggle in Young against Refugee Cheap Labour:  All About the Liars and Frauds who took up the ‘Anti Racist’ cause’

Dr. Jim Saleam

 

I say openly that Australia’s struggle against the refugee horde, like our growing community resistance to immigration generally, is a true people’s struggle inspired by a faith in our nationality as was that of our forebears of the nineteenth century.

I say to the voters in The Seat of Cook that my political credentials in this fight are absolute.

In 2002-3, I was engaged in an intense political campaign in the New South Wales rural city of Young and I regard this particular fight as part of my essential CV and as part of the folklore of the Australia First Party.

The story involved the Barrangong Meat Processors plant which had taken on Afghan contract ‘refugee’ labour, temporary visa holders all hoping for the big offer of permanent residential status. Barrangong’s manager, Grant ‘Piggy’ Edmonds was all for refugee labour, when Australia First intervened in support of some Young townspeople who had already taken up the patriotic cause against the presence of these Afghan Moslems.

Flash Forward

In February 2010, Barrangong Meat Processors went belly-up with 300 workers losing their jobs. By this time, they were all locals, the ‘refugees’ had long since moved on.

Meantime, the NSW police said four computer hard drives were stolen three days before Burrangong Meat Processors went into receivership. Police said the hard drives contained information about the plant, and were worth about $100,000.

Was it that that the company had been rorted? It seems so.  The plant has never been fully restored to operation, although sold off. Naturally, Piggy also moved on, with or without the missing hard drives and the cash.

The Refugee Crusade

Back in 2002, the story from the abattoir was that Australians couldn’t be found for the work. Piggy obtained his slave labour force thanks to Tony Hewson, a cousin of one-time Liberal Party ‘Opposition Leader’ John Hewson, and who was personnel officer at the plant. Hewson ran a cherry farm too and was an ardent Baha’i.

His commitment to ‘universalism’ and ‘tolerance’ and ‘peace’ was a perfect union with running cheap labour. If it breaks down the Australian workers’ conditions and opens the country to more such intrusions, it’s a moral outcome! If Hewson’s Moslem workers had known he was a Baha’i, they would have sliced him with the meat.

So much for tolerance.

Hewson was the proof of how much pseudo moral nonsense gets talked while the game is to obtain cheap labour.

When the town grew restive, as always the local elite rallied its followers in support of the exploiter. The propaganda spewed out that all in town were for contract labour and that innumerable people had spoken out for the refugees to even stay in Australia permanently. It was a love fest.

Mrs Gay Maxwell, a long-term resident of the town, collected signatures on a petition opposing the presence of the men. ‘The media has been reporting that we all welcomed them with open arms,’ she was quoted as saying, ‘but we’ve never had a chance to put the other side of the story.’

The lie was advanced that these workers received the same wages as Australians. Like all lies, there was some truth to that. They sort of did – minus certain deductions – except that the wages were subsidised by the state. So ‘equal pay’ was paid for by the taxpayer.

Enter Australia First

Australia First activists distributed a leaflet in Young denouncing the practice of cheap labour and calling on the people to resist. People grew angry and various incidents occurred which expressed community discontent. The slippery mayor responded, saying that all were welcome in Young, that teachers were teaching English to the refugees, that the leaflet was just an extremist exercise, that there were no real tensions.

I soon found myself smeared by Daniel Lewis of the Sydney Morning Herald. It seems that because I was just such a bad person none of the claims about refugee labour could be true and that the town would stand firm against my bigotry. And so on and on, the usual dronings this newspaper offers up wherever I might appear.

Tony Hewson was allowed to say all over the press that our claims that Australia was under threat of cheap labour were so ludicrously extreme that we would only increase support for the men in the town. But he urged that the Afghans in Young deserved a much stronger show of political support. They would soon receive that!
And Piggy added to all who would listen:

“Almost the whole of Australia’s taken it up, with lawyers offering free services and community sections all over Australia – we get calls from everywhere saying how they are going, what’s happening, seems we’ve had a lot of community interest, we’ve had all support, I haven’t had really anything in the opposite”.

Such is the power of globalist Australia’s mania that nothing may contradict the accepted ‘reality’.   In fact, it was always a minority who were attacking the Australian workers and that it was Australia First which spoke for the majority of our people. But the majority have no loud voice.

The Biggest Of Lies

The liberal minority propagandist can never let things rest. He must always strike at the Australian who raises his hand against the multicultural fantasy. So it was.

A certain Tom Zubrycki produced a ‘movie’ entitled Molly And Mobarak which was screened on SBS TV in 2003.  It told the story of an English teacher interacting with an Afghan refugee. It was pure dreamtime.  In the middle of the film, it is said that there was some opposition to the presence of the Afghans in Young. It is said that it’s just “Jim Saleam” a “neo-nazi from Sydney.” who has – “no support”.

This was one of the best defamations I have received. No right of reply. How could there be? As a neo-nazi, I was portrayed as just beyond politeness.

A certain group, ‘Rural Australians For Refugees’, utilised its network to distribute the film, as did Amnesty International.  The film was seen by hundreds of thousands of people in Australia and overseas, in the US, Canada and Europe. Most people saw it on television, but others would have seen it at film festivals, in cinemas or in small group discussion screenings. The film had its premiere at the Sydney Film Festival in 2003 and it was then distributed to refugee support networks throughout the country.

Amnesty International and Rural Australians for Refugees, organized screenings in country halls and cinemas across Australia, from Glebe in Sydney, to Perth Adelaide, Brisbane and Melbourne, to big towns like Mildura and small towns like Gerringong on the NSW South Coast. The film had a cinema season in Sydney and Melbourne and generated a lot of publicity in the media, especially in the national press. Articles were written about the film and also about the so-called “plight” of Afghani Hazaras on Temporary Protection Visas.

And Jim Saleam had no support. Of course. I had no support with these particular audiences!

The use of visual propaganda whipped up the anti racist network to betray its country and the Australian workers, but it showed that Australia First had stirred a hornet’s nest. Of course, as time went on, it became clearer and clearer to a wide section of the people that we were right, but at that time the anti racists (as they call themselves) had the running on the matter of contract labour. They had turned an economic question into their pet globalist village vision of open borders and tolerance and diversity. Today hundreds of thousands of workers are just about ready to fight in the street to stop contract labour.

Defamed For No Little Reason

Of course, the defamation of myself and Australia First, had not fallen from the sky. Quite the contrary.  Let’s say an old ‘friend’, Helen McCue, was closely involved.

The co-founder of Rural Australians For Refugees, Helen McCue, was shacked up in Bowral with her lesbian lover, when this very ‘non rural’ group was founded in 2001.  I clashed with these ‘Rural Australians’ in Griffith a few months or so after the Young struggle got going, when the flood of contract labour into that area had begun.

I clashed with these ‘Rural Australians’ in Griffith a few months or so after the Young struggle got going, when the flood of contract labour into that area began.

But McCue had history.

McCue, who began as a United Nations worker oversaw the foundation of Australian People for Health, Education and Development Abroad (now Union Aid Abroad APHEDA) by the Australian Council of Trade Unions in 1984 and was able to channel money from unions and the Australian government to groups like the African National

Congress and the Pan African Congress in South Africa. In other words, the support for anti white racism was channeled via non government structures. Helen McCue was no small player in arranging diplomatic links with the ANC in the 1980’s.

Back then the ANC were heroes to people like Helen and they could do no wrong against ‘white oppression’.. Now they’re grubs who steal from their own people and rule a country going to the dogs – with seldom a word from certain Australian groupies of yesteryear. And Helen is one of them, one whose silence condemns her. She just moved on to peddle that next anti racist cause – imposing cheap labour on Australian workers.

I was a political activist back then with National Action and I spoke against this ‘anti racist’ network which ran everywhere through Australian churches, unions and politics. My ultimate reward for that was to be loaded up by the notorious NSW Police Special Branch for doing violence to an ANC official in Australia. And Helen played a big role in mobilizing public opinion from behind the scenes against me and my comrades in that earlier time, in the lead up to my arrest on this charge and while I was trying to defend it.

It was always ‘great’ to meet an old adversary again in battle. McCue’s new role was to make sure that neither I nor the new Australia First Party got out of our bottle by employing the issue of contract labour. She did her best, as always in the manipulative way we expect of the anti Australians.

Bitter Harvest

Of course, the fate of Barrangong Meat Processors and the players who brought cheap labour to Young is now in the open.

How much profit did they reap from the cheap labour?

Once again we see these so-called anti racists revealed as lacking much by way of moral scruple.  Not much more will be heard of the love fest of refugee labour in Young. It is now just a bad taste to all who recall it, but it is a lesson for the workers to be on guard for any future ‘next round’.

Glorious Young

When Australia First party acted in Young, we acted in a great Australian tradition.

It was certainly noted by the traitor media, the yellow press, back in 2002-3, that Young was some sort of cauldron of ‘racism’. After all, it was here in 1861 that goldminers drove Chinese labour from the fields. The great Jack Lang pointed out that the riot at Lambing Flat at Young played as great a role in the birth of free labour in New South Wales as Eureka Stockade did in Victoria.

‘Official Young’ had tried to atone for that (!!) by establishing a Lambing Flat Chinese Garden.   Old Young saw the birth of a legend of ‘White Australian nationalist labourism’ that led to the foundation of the original Australian Labour Party in 1891.

I would like to think that the struggles of local Young townspeople and the new Australia First Party a decade or so ago have contributed to the ultimate construction of a great mass Australian people’s movement in the same tradition.

In my campaign in Cook, this spirit is alive.

Lambing Flat FlagThe Lambing Flat Flag of 1861

Readers’ Postscript:

The ABC did an investigation into the millions of dollars ‘missing’ at the Young abattoir.

Its impact on Young was severe, well beyond the sacked workers. Cheap labour may have been just one of Piggy’s sins. As yet, no prosecutions have been made:

‘Abattoir collapse leaves town devastated’
http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2010/s2910305.htm

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