Australia First Party (AF) members, the entire nationalist movement and other patriotic people, have registered satisfaction with the step forward taken by the party in the New South Wales Councils’ election.
The election produced one formal victory, an electoral victory, for AF. A strong candidate, Maurice Girotto, was elected to a seat in East Ward in Penrith City. He received over 3000 votes which translated to just under 10% of the poll.
This electoral victory has been met with scant public comment from our regular opposition in the media and in those small groups that target the party in various ways for harassment. All those who habitually denounce the party otherwise as ‘extreme’, ‘racist’, ‘fascist’ and so forth, simply recorded that we had won – and fell silent.
Did they pass to us the initiative? Do they expect us to make some error that will kill our own victory? We shall see.
In the ranks of the three main parties (Liberal, Labor, Greens), there was official silence, but internally there was a wave of comment about which we cannot say much here. These parties definitely observed that, despite the propaganda dished out against the party, we had overcome it, with a sizeable portion of the people in many council areas taking a nationalist stand – which in Penrith City produced an electoral win. They registered surprise.
Certainly, an electoral victory offers Australia First an opportunity to telescope growth. It has been noticed by people involved in other formations which espouse a generally pro Australian programme, that it was Australia First which won. On our side of the patriotic fence, no one has had a victory for a long while, not since the days of One Nation.
Certainly, it was Australia First which had argued for the localization of our politics. We had said for years that our politics had to be rendered comprehensible by the people- by making complex national issues have a local flavour, to make these issues ‘real’ and have them ‘experienced’ by people personally. It was said by our party that to contest local government elections offered this possibility, not simply in that it made the playing field more ‘level’ with other electoral contenders, but that it put the party directly in touch with the community.
After all, it was Australia First that said clearly – to even win on an electoral front, a party had to pursue a broad community based campaign, not follow the model of ‘electoralism’.
By ‘electoralism’ we meant the failed tactic which cut a party off from the people, which had the party meet behind closed doors with ‘clever’ programmes, which designed ‘clever’ words to express it, which never offered itself as anything other than a pale reflection of a
hypothetical ‘mainstream’. We said rather that it was necessary to base ourselves in the
community, to push for community defence on matters of heritage and identity, on homelessness and against population (immigration) driven development. We said we had to be concerned with the people as people and not with them only as ‘voters’. We had to make it clear our effort was one designed to improve the overall circumstances of the people, not one which promised to just ‘represent’ them.
Our method has shown that it is correct. Other groups now wonder whether the Australia First line on things might indeed be right. The situation of slow-grown pre-eminence will enable us to drain competitor formations into our pool and establish hegemony over our market. We are open and honest in that. We want all who wish to embrace a nationalist politics to regroup within Australia First.
But Australia First believes that our formal win in Penrith City runs deeper than these obviously creditable points.
Australia First has done other things:
1. In a broad swathe of far western Greater Sydney, in an arc from Picton in the south west to Richmond in the north west, Australia First is now an established movement. This is not just because we possess a voter pool. Of course, there is a voter pool. The percentage points-scores of the party were important indicators – almost 10% in Penrith, 7.2% in Wollondilly, 5% in Hawkesbury. These figures place the party in ‘minor party status’ by electoral standards and these results match up with other performances in the last couple of years. The disaffection is now ‘permanent’
Our case to be a new movement is made by virtue of who this voter pool contains and the social dynamics involved (as we shall further explain). We are not saying we are a large movement, let alone the dominant non establishment one. However, to ‘establish’ a movement is itself an effort in the over-regulated Australian political scene, in a crowded scene.
2. So, we ask the key question: who voted for Australia First?
The Australia First voters were heavily drawn (although not exclusively so) from a vocal youth and younger person market who clearly stated that they were voting for us. They did so, not as passive voting fodder so beloved by the electoralists of the former one Nation and similar formations, but as those likely to seek out and take membership, or behave as public supporters of the party. They arrived in cars flying the Southern Cross, or sported the Southern Cross tattoo; they portrayed themselves as real Aussies and as working class people.
And all day, they rained praise upon the party. The young women wore national flag t-shirts or Eureka caps and were as vocal as the males, many saying that as mothers they lived in a society no longer their own.
Despite half a century of liberal-globalist ‘brainwashing’, this sector of the population still rebels against the globalist message and this revolt is strong.
One of our general tasks is to build on that bloc of support and to advance it towards activism. It is activism which is the key, not ‘passive’ voting.
But the party also attracted truckies, farmers and pensioners, small-owners and shooters, all constituent elements, with the younger Australian, in the Real Australia fight-back against globalization.
3. The party showed itself professional in its operations. It leafletted areas, canvassed votes, purchased radio time and newspaper space and conducted public efforts and meetings. The party owes much to its members who had saved money especially to donate it to this cause and who took the time to perform whatever function the party asked. Their dedication has been rewarded.
4. The party has begun to receive enquiries from many ordinary people and will maintain proper branches in several areas.
The Strategy
The chairman of the NSW branch consulted with many members, the Committee and others and designed a campaign with a ‘misleading element’ – ie. misleading of our opponents. We contested some areas for effect and for subsidiary purposes – Sutherland Shire, Blacktown, Blue Mountains.
We kept the party’s name alive in the Shire pending our electoral and public campaign against Scott Morrison (Shadow Immigration Minister); we contested Blacktown (so near to Penrith) for profile and we launched the party in the Blue Mountains. But our targets were always Wollondilly, Penrith and Hawkesbury and we concentrated there.
We did expect to win in Hawkesbury and possibly in Wollondilly, but it was not to be. These campaigns were always solid and were operated with some energy and a lot of publicity. The Penrith campaign did not seem to have the same volume of publicity attached to it.
Oddly, we had some doubts that we would win in Penrith but that we would gain a good percentage. Truth is often stranger than our thoughts. Yet, the party learns, sums up experience and moves on.
What was significant, particularly in Hawkesbury was the strong push by ‘independents’ to keep us off the Council. The Hawkesbury independents exchanged preferences and supported each other in various ways. A major struggle is coming there, over coal seam gas mining, over population development and the defence of Windsor Bridge (a key heritage battle).
The independents marketed themselves as those best-placed to win the fight to preserve Hawkesbury culture and lifestlyle. We would prefer to say that they convinced the ordinary person they were a ‘safer’ crew, whereas in fact they are the first port of call in a difficult journey for the Aussie who has woken to a problem. The process of what the academics call ‘radicalization’ is a long one.
We were aware of certain fundamental Greater Sydney realities. We applied them to a working plan.
This was all together a suitable formula in this huge West Sydney area which is now targeted under the Metropolitan Development Plan – for large expansion. Penrith is expected to add some 46,000 dwellings over the next 20 years and the Hawkesbury 5,000. Even these 5,000 dwellings, populated largely by new immigrants will reduce the European component of Hawkesbury’s population to less than two thirds (in Penrith, we would become almost a minority).
In Wollondilly, some 26,000 homes are planned. Such a policy undermines lifestyle, culture, employment, family life. The fight for West Sydney is actually the fight for Australia itself. In July, we learned that the NSW State government planned a new tax, a suburban infrastructure tax.
Tactics And The Future
We targeted the right groups to uphold the strategy.
Given we are more popular amongst the youth demographic and are strongest amongst the Aussie Battler Class, who have been victimised by the globalists we calculate in the future that more earthy reactions will take place – a consistent political activism.
All said, our general mission in West Sydney and of course in Penrith City, should be the
permeation of established community groups by our members and friends to encourage the fight-back and the development of the Eureka Youth League in the schools, university and other venues.
The growth of party branches and the cultivation of an activist style are essential. The party must develop a high public profile to direct people’s struggles against the economic, environmental, culture and ethnic results – of globalism.
Penrith City is a pillar of this new politics. Inside the Council, our representative can operate from a practical perspective and stand up for people.. Generally, the development of a new voter and popular network via community activities is strategically vital. Our new Councillor can, as a by-product of his labour, make the latter a realizable goal..
We say that the future of Australia First Party is bright and we call upon more Australians to step up and develop with us the mass people’s party our country needs.