European ‘Alliance for Peace and Freedom’ – a response from Australia First
by Dr. Jim Saleam.
As Australia First Party was aware, a gathering of delegates from various European nationalist parties had met in Brussels on February 4 for the first congress of the ‘Alliance For Peace And Freedom’ (APF).
The congress was held after the decision was taken to form the new alliance of nationalist parties last December. The central idea was to provide a united structure and broad policy direction for the parties of Euro-nationalism.
This ‘International’ of Nationalism will certainly bring other parties in other countries under its umbrella. Sources advised Australia First Party that parties in Poland, Slovakia and Rumania were intending to adhere in the near future.
The recent Congress elected an executive board for the Alliance For Peace and Freedom:
- Roberto Fiore (President), New Force, Italy
- Artemis Mattheopoulos (vice President), Golden Dawn, Greece
- Jens Pühse (Secretary General), National Democratic Party of Germany, Germany
- Stefan Jacobsson, Party of the Swedes, Sweden
- Gonzalo Martin Garcia, National Democracy, Spain
- Herve van Laethem, Nation, Belgium
- Daniel Carlsen, Party of the Danes, Denmark
- Olivier Wyssa, France
The programme and purposes of the APF is of course Euro-centric in the sense of it having a continentalist relevancy. It might be held that nationalist parties in the Americas or in Australasia might not readily be part of the foundation-logic.
From an Australian nationalist perspective, the foundation documents of the APF imply an underlying logic. Our European friends are opposed to the New World Order, to globalist capitalism, to Zionism, to the immigration of the Third World into First World, to participation in globalist establishment wars in the Middle East and elsewhere. We can only agree with these positions.
Australia First Party has made no decision on whether it may apply for associate status in the Alliance. However, there is a strong belief that such an alliance of parties may have a purpose as our common European Culture nations each struggle to exit the globalist system. At a critical moment, a Nationalist ‘International’ could organize public support in all countries for the first who opt to leave the globalist system.
Some time ago, I authored Internationale And The Need For An ‘International’ (see below). In the interim, we hope that the unity of nationalists will build and that we will have cause to report regularly upon the activities of the Alliance For Peace And Freedom.
This is the website for the pan-European Alliance for Peace and Freedom:
Internationale And The Need For An ‘International’
by Dr. Jim Saleam, 2011
This article is a (slightly) edited version of the item which has recently appeared in Ab Aeterno, Journal Of The Academy Of Social And Political Research, July – December 2011.
It was Francis Parker Yockey who employed the term Internationale in his Conservative-Revolutionary opus Imperium, to mean a common spirit running through the articulated body of a High Culture, through the nations which constitute it and the elites who express its political, artistic and other forms. A true Internationale would express itself in cultural production, in politics, in economics – in a total sense – as did feudalism. (1)
In its own small way, Ab Aeterno, no less than many other journals of a similar disposition, represents the articulation of the spirit which has sustained the long history of a High Culture now in crisis and decline. It counterposes to the dominant liberalism and cosmopolitanism of the capitalist regime that masters the land-space upon which the culture lives, a regime which consciously acts to ensure its destruction, the tradition of its unity and of the value of its sustaining race and ethical base. This traditional spirit was always understood and lived by those whom Yockey called ‘men of race’ – and it still is. This tradition was an Internationale. It was the foundation of every period through which the Culture passed as Spengler would have it – until it was challenged by liberal cosmopolitan capitalism and the globalist New World Order that it has spawned.
This journal was founded as the publication of the Academy Of Social And Political Research. The Academy embraces persons of different ‘national’ backgrounds. In so far as its members are nationalists and express their narratives in forms based upon their origins and who in their own varied ways act to secure the destiny of their lands, it is equally true that they speak a common basic discourse. The underlying problem of Poland, or Greece, or Germany and so on – is rooted in the pervasive atmosphere of universal crisis and decline, which affects all the nations simultaneously, is organized against us all in concert and which should be opposed in unison.
It was recognised at the start of this project that confederates in many countries would be sought out to contribute to the workings of the Academy and that it may liaise with publications and ‘think tanks’ which possessed other variant-views of the project, or were otherwise complementary to it. We need not name those publications and groups.
It seems to me that Ab Aeterno has sought to go deeper too and revise where necessary any assumptions raised by others previously that may not be useful and directly relevant any longer. It acts as the avant garde of debate and discussion. Nonetheless, the Internationale that should be again be in charge of our nations is that of the eternal tradition. We must ensure that those who articulate this tradition – are rallied together.
For An Internationale That Juxtaposes The Internationale Of Money
Against the globalised elites who rule over the European world and who seek to merge it into a borderless nothingness, there is certainly resistance. Ab Aeterno is concerned with culture resistance, re-culturation, perhaps psychic resistance. One of its functions must be to develop a clear ethical morality that permits those who enter this cultural resistance to create in freedom and to resist in the certainty of their rectitude. It must delegitimize its enemy just as its enemy seeks to delegitimize us.
The Internationale of Money is pervasive. It corrupts, sickens, distorts and retards – to employ the Yockeyan discourse of organic culture disease. It has powerful political and propaganda forces at its command. The Internationale of Money extends to a veritable set of Internationals in politics, commerce and academia. It knows how to marry ideology and human activity, to integrate daily economic decision making and personal activity with the ideology of the market.
It is fair to say that this system is the strongest system conjured by any would-be set of planetary dictators. It may be that the eternal tradition would mobilize the old warrior ethos, but it would be crass naivety to believe that will-to-power alone may conquer strong physical and psychic weapons. It would also be foolish not to reckon on this system not knowing who its enemies are and not acting against them. Indeed, system propagandists lament that its enemies have also linked up across old borders.
The Marxists used to say that the only weapon the proletariat had, was ‘organization’. We might say that the only weapon we have is intelligent resistance wrapped in organization. Can we learn?
The Idea Of An ‘International’
Karl Marx founded his International Working Men’s Association in London in 1864; the Socialist International was founded in Paris in 1889 and the Communist International formed in Moscow in 1919. A parody of the latter was established by Leon Trotsky in 1938. The Left has always understood the power and the purpose of international organization in their physical (if not the spiritual) challenge to capitalism.
It is not surprising that those forces whom we may loosely called the ‘extreme Right’ – have not always done so. Perhaps that occurred because these movements were established as nationalist ones and their focus halted at the frontiers of the various states? Possibly. Yet, I would venture to say that it more has been the case that many parties, associations and movements that styled themselves as nationalists or patriots of one form or another, were led by people who did not feel the commanding spirit of a true Internationale.
As constructions designed to right a national wrong, or stop immigration, or do this or that, their organisations were directed at the finite world of little things. The vision to appreciate a civilisation-crisis, to take stock of a Spenglerian decline, was not in them. The fact is that the real nationalist movements have never been so barren and other leaders have seen Oswald Spengler’s double-vision: of the liberalo-capitalist wasteland and the alternative in the organic tribal-communitarian ethos; they understood too, that they had comrades in other countries who shared their spirit and their culture-mission and that saving one land of a High Culture was problematical without redeeming all. But they too can no longer afford to be lost in the day-to-day grind of their struggles without creating mechanisms that link their struggles across the old borders.
As an Australian, I can say that the protagonists of our historical nationalist movement always understood their local struggle as part of a universal effort to guarantee the survival of a culture – and yes, a race. (2) They would (to rewrite a Greens’ phrase), think universally, but act nationally.
We can thank some of the residue of historical fascism and then other forces which came forward after the Second World War and entered into their orbit, for creating the actual idea of the ‘Nationalist International’. (3) The story of the European Social Movement, the New European Order, the National Party of Europe and Young Europe were all cases in point, far-flung international associations of parties and groups, which came to argue themes such as the Third Force Europe, the overturn of the superpowers, a third-position socialism, the immigration danger.
They saw quickly themselves ‘neither left nor right’ in proposing their solutions. Their links with historical fascism (personnel and so on) would be overstated by their opponents, yet as the years wore on the distance became greater and the ideas which fuelled their activism increasingly at variance from the ‘fascism we know’ (sic). They did bequeath a dialectic of their own – a search for revolutionary formulae that could challenge an assertive capitalism. Rather than froth at the Left, they came to see that the left was less of an enemy as the liberalo-capitalism of the system.
In recent times, the European National Front would be one of the more credible attempts at the development of an International of parties, bringing organisations from many (Continental) European countries into a living association. (4) Such a front should eventually become broader than movements based upon the Old Continent, but should reach out to the Americas, to the Antipodes. Such an International might even consider, as was vaguely mooted at in Ab Aeterno in a discussion of the political struggle, to reach out beyond our ethno-specific boundaries and consider friendships with non-European movements of cultural integrists who may, in the interests of their own peoples, challenge the New World Order.
In recent times, the tendency of Euro-nationalist forces to group together has become a factor conducive to their cross-fertilization of ideas. It has given a new strength.
Ab Aeterno, we are not discussing creating parties or activist movements. However, we are aware that ideas are the guts of politics. Are we not talking about creating a different sort of International? If the political movements have formal structure (and indeed they would be wise to have it), we cultural-intellectual dissenters require linkages, open discourses, lines of communication, symmetry in the development of the critique of the International of Money and its ideological superstructure.
The Avant Garde
I believe that the old Marxian notion of praxis has value for us. Theory illuminates the political fight and this fight develops theory. It is a process moving continually from lower to higher. Of course, the communists were referring more so to political ideology, rather than to matters of fundamental philosophic discourse whose parameters were already laid down for them with the dialectical materialism of Marx and Engels; even so, communist cadres were instructed into the bastardised version of the philosophy – “dialectics” – and thereby taught how to grasp the meaning of events around them. Ab Aeterno and the Academy have the function of teaching and ‘recruiting’ for and delineating a ‘world view’ – which may (must!) inspire any number of national expressions of the world-view as contained within the ideologies of political movements.
In other words, we are engaged in a functionalist discourse – in the exegesis of our movement’s version of dialectical materialism. Do we aim to ‘capture’ the leadership of these movements of resistance and rebirth?
Clearly, we must.
This effort moves in stages. Ab Aeterno is the avant-garde. It seeks to build the spiritual-ethical basis of the new order of tomorrow. We note around us the world of chaos – the decline. To paraphrase Yockey’s observation: the fulfillment of a cultural destiny confers the mantle of strength upon those who embrace the mission.
1. Francis Parker Yockey, Imperium: The Philosophy Of History And Politics, Sausalito, 1969, pp. 198 – 203.
2. James Saleam, “The Other Radicalism: An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right Ideology Politics And Organization 1975 – 1995”, PhD Thesis, University Of Sydney, 1999, pp. 36 – 45. The entire thesis is at: http://home.alphalink.com.au/~radnat/otherradicalism/index.html
3. Kurt Tauber, Beyond Eagle And Swastika: German Nationalism Since 1945, Vol. 1, Boston, 1965, pp. 206 – 250